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Between Dreams and Sanctions: Teenage Lives in Iraq

Nadje Al-Ali and Yasmin Hussein
The Institute of Arab & Islamic Studies
University of Exeter, UK

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The Impact of Economic Sanctions on Women in Iraq

Women, Gender Relations and Sanctions in Iraq

Introduction

Contemporary Iraq is the home of one of the earliest civilizations of humankind: Mesopotamia – the land of two rivers (Tigris and Euphrates). With an area of approximately 170,000 square miles and a population of about 22 million, Iraq is the largest of the Fertile Crescent countries at the northern edge of the Arabian peninsula (Marr, 1985: 1). Iraq is situated in the south-west of the near east of the Arab World, bounded on the north by Turkey, on the east by Iran, on the west by Syria, Jordan and Saudi Arabia, and on the south by the Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf (ibid.). The terrain included within the borders of Iraq is extremely diverse, ranging from swamps in the south, to dry desert plains in central Iraq, fertile agricultural land along the two rivers to inaccessible mountainous areas in the north.

Iraq was historically a multi-ethnic state with many different ethnic and religious groups. Today’s Iraq has a majority of Arabs (75-80%), and minorities of Kurds (15-20%) as well as Turkmans and Assyrians (about 5%). Arabic is the main language spoken in Iraq, followed by Kurdish and a small number of people speaking Assyrian and Armenian.

The nation state of Iraq, formerly part of the Ottoman Empire, was created only in 1920, initially as a British mandate. Iraq became an independent kingdom in 1932, although it was still subjected to another British occupation from 1941-1945. A revolution in 1958 ended with the proclamation of a republic. But it was the revolution of 17 July 1968 which brought the currently prevailing Ba’th party into power. Its ideological origins were based on a strong belief in Arab unity (Arab nationalism) and a socialist-oriented transformation of society. The current president of Iraq, Saddam Hussein, is also the central party leader of the Ba’th party. However, many people would argue that the party and its leadership have diverged significantly from its original ideas and aims.

Saddam Hussein has been the President of the Republic of Iraq since 1979 - the same year, the shah of Iran was overthrown in the course of the Islamic revolution. In 1980, Hussein started a war with neighbouring Iran that lasted 8 years and cost many human lives on both sides. The Iraqi economy had been striving due to increased oil prices in the late 70s and early 80s. However, the prolonged war with Iran resulted in a severe economic crisis as well as an enormous strain on social life for many Iraqi families. Only two years after the end of the Iran-Iraq war, Hussein ordered Iraqi troops to invade Kuwait in August 1990. Economic sanctions were imposed a few days after the invasion. The Gulf war of 1991 forced Iraq out of Kuwait. But it also resulted in the death of many Iraqis and the devastation of the Iraqi infrastructure. Up to the day of writing this chapter, continued economic sanctions and sporadic bombing of Iraq have had detrimental effects on both social and economic conditions in Iraq.


Typical Day in Teen Life in Iraq

Due to the very particular circumstances in contemporary, it is very difficult to describe a ‘typical day’ for an Iraqi teenager. In the past, young Iraqis would go to school in the mornings, return for lunch between 2 and 4 o’clock, have their main meal with their family, maybe nap for an hour or two, especially in the summer months, do their homework and study and then enjoy themselves with friends and family. In the evenings, when every-day life was still relatively ordinary and calm, teenagers would go out and walk the streets in groups, have ice-creams or shawarma sandwiches, play games with their friends from the same neighbourhood and visit their numerous cousins, watch TV and listen to the latest hits.

These days, every-day lives are characterised by unpredictability and struggles for survival. Leila, a 16 year old teenager, expressed sentiments that many young Iraqi feel:

Leila’s passionate account of her dreams and fears quite vividly illustrates the fact that teenagers in Iraq have a lot in common with teenagers in other countries all over the world: they worry about their grades in school, have ambitions what their future careers are concerned, and they think about love. Teenagers everywhere dream about having enough money and many hope for a future spouse that will care for and respect them. And who has not met an adolescent who is experiencing and displaying mood swings - being very happy one moment and extremely down and depressed the next?

Yet, despite the commonalities with teenagers in other parts of the world, most notably the Middle East, Leila and her peers in Iraq experience daily hardships and obstacles to fulfil their dreams that are unique to their specific surroundings. The devastation of two wars (Iran-Iraq war 1980-1988 & Gulf War 1991) and ongoing economic sanctions have left their country in a desperate situation. Leila’s worries about the ‘unpredictability’ of life in Iraq and ‘the unexpected things that could change everything’ typify the fears and anxieties of a whole generation that grew up in times of extreme upheaval related to war, ongoing military threats, an oppressive regime and economic sanctions that reduce every-day lives to a continuous struggle for survival.

This chapter reveals both: the universal concerns, aspirations and anxieties of teenagers who happen to live in Iraq, as well as the extreme conditions, difficulties and suffering that are unique to Iraq and the lives of its adolescent population. At the heart of this contributions are the voices of several teenagers who were specifically interviewed for this volume. They were asked questions related to their every-day lives, their aspirations and worries. There are several reasons why the researchers opted for a mainly qualitative approach to the exploration of teenage lives in Iraq: First of all, it is very difficult to obtain reliable statistical information in the Middle East in general and Iraq, in particular. More significantly, the available statistics tend to conceal rather than reveal the actual experiences, attitudes and life strategies of a group of people that has been silenced from within and without.

Through extensive in-depth conversations and interviews with a group of teenagers between the ages of twelve and sixteen, the authors of this chapter were able to get a sense of the present living conditions shaping their lives and restricting their choices. Yet, they got an insight into the emotional landscapes of young Iraqis, their self-awareness and attitudes to ‘the outside world’. The recorded interviews touch on a broad range of issues varying from social change and transformations, problems with education, economic hardships, relationships with families and friends, gender relations and identity questions. Yet, an underlying theme is the awareness that many of the numerous difficulties facing young Iraqis today stem from an imposed sanctions regime that has not only devastated the economy but has also affected the social and cultural fabric of Iraqi society.

References to ‘rapid social changes’ and transformations of ‘normal lives’ are common in the accounts of teenagers. Despite indisputable political repression in the 1970s and 1980s, the majority of the Iraqi population enjoyed high living standards in the context of an economic boom and rapid development, which were a result of the rise of oil prices and the government’s developmental policies. Although signs of deterioration of living standards started to become evident during the years of the Iran-Iraq war (1980-1988), there seemed to be the prevailing belief that the situation would revert to the better once the war stopped. And while many families lost sons, brothers, fathers, friends and neighbours during this time, life in the cities appeared relatively ‘normal’, with women notably playing a very significant role in public life.

Today’s teenagers (age group 12-16) were born during these war years, when the Iraqi government encouraged everyone to fulfil ‘their duties’ as citizens. While men were drafted in large numbers to the military, women were strongly encouraged to ‘produce’ numerous children. Only two ‘peaceful’ years were followed by the invasion of Kuwait (August 1990) and the Gulf War (January-March 1991). The latter was particularly traumatising for children, as night after night of heavy bombing disrupted not only their sleep and family lives, but left many in deep shock and fear. Adolescent Iraqis invariably have vivid memories of the Gulf war and many spoke about ongoing nightmares, a sense of anxiety and a great sensitivity to certain noises that could only remotely be mistaken for bombs. Unlike other war-torn countries, like Bosnia-Herzegovina, for example, ‘post-traumatic stress syndrome’ is not a recognised medical condition in Iraq. And even if acknowledged, lack of resources and expertise make systematic treatment impossible.

While the memories related to the war in 1991 as well as political oppression by the Iraqi government represent crucial elements in the pool of experiences that constitute ‘the past’ of today’s teenagers (1), it is the comprehensive sanctions regime, in place since August 1990, that presents the most decisive factor in shaping the every-day living conditions, options and restrictions of Iraqi teenagers. Continuously high rates of child mortality (about 4000- 5000 per month) (2), rampant malnutrition (3), increased rates of leukaemia, various other forms of cancer, epidemic diseases and birth deformities are amongst the most obvious ‘side effects’ of the sanctions regime. The fear of disease and death are a real and a steady companion while growing up these days. The massive deterioration in basic infrastructure (water, sanitation, sewage, electricity) has severely reduced the life quality of Iraqi families, who often have to get through the day without water and electricity. Every-day lives have changed not only with respect to a drastic deterioration of economic conditions and basic infrastructure, but the social and cultural fabric of Iraqi society has also been affected.

Alongside the drastic changes related to every-day lives, the intellectual and cultural isolation that accompanies ongoing economic sanctions affect teenagers in various ways. Some feel resentful and angry by an ‘international community’ that does not seem to care about the plight of ordinary Iraqis and seems to punish them for the actions of a government they did not choose. Others do distinguish between certain western governments, and the people and culture of these countries. In light of difficult, if not impossible, access to alternative media and education other than government propaganda, teenagers often do not have the analytical tools and background information that the previous generations had. This, paradoxically, amongst other factors has strengthened the regime of Saddam Hussein. Yet, a surprising number of teenagers do not only blame the outside world, but also their own government for the current situation. And many have just one wish: to leave their homeland as soon as possible and start a new life somewhere else. Hazim, a fourteen-year old boy, whose mother recently died, often dreams of leaving, but finds strength in his faith:

Family Life

Traditionally, Iraqi families - like most families within the region - played a significant part in young people’s lives. Children and teenagers were not only brought up by their parents, but also by their elder siblings and members of the extended family, like grandparents, aunts and uncles. Families tended to be large and provided not only material but also emotional support for teenagers. Because of the size of most families, gatherings were generally not only an affair for adults, but children of all ages and teenagers were always present.

Although Iraqi families used to be very closely knit and supportive of each other, family relationships have been strained by envy and competition in the struggle for survival. More than a decade of economic sanctions have exhausted the Iraqi economy and most people living inside Iraq. In the past, teenagers grew up in the midst of their extended families, often spending time and sleeping over at houses of their grandparents, uncles and aunts. These days, nuclear families have become much more significant in a context where everyone has to think about himself or herself and those closest to them first.

Some teenagers reported that they stopped visiting their relatives, as they did not want them to feel embarrassed because they could not provide them with a meal. Hospitality, especially where food is concerned, is a very important aspect of Iraqi culture. These days, most Iraqi families can’t provide their guests with nice food because of widespread unemployment, low salaries and widespread poverty linked to economic sanctions. This fact has had a damaging impact on family and social life in contemporary Iraq.

Class inversions related to economic sanctions have also affected family ties in ways unheard of during earlier times. While the majority of the Iraqi population, has been impoverished and has suffered greatly from the policies of their own government, the Gulf war and the economic sanctions, a small percentage of people has actually managed to profit from the situation. These people are mainly working within the black market economy, and might engage in smuggling of goods across the Jordanian, Syrian, Iranian or Turkish border. These nouveau riche war profiteers tend to have close ties to the Iraqi regime. Living in luxury in the midst of widespread suffering and poverty asks for envy and contempt. So the few rich people that live in Iraq tend to stick to themselves.

Responding to the question whether they had friends amongst their relatives, 14 year old Farah answers the following:

Her brother Samir (13 years old) agrees with her that they do not have friends amongst their relatives and states:

It is important to stress that Farah’s and Samir’s experience is not representative of the majority of Iraqi teenagers. Despite the hardship and the every-day struggle for survival, families still try to be supportive of each other. Yet, there is definitely a change in that the nuclear family (parents and children) has become the most significant unit within Iraqi society. Extended families still have close relationships, but these days, people first think of themselves and their won children.

Traditional and Non-traditional Food Dishes in Iraq

As mentioned above, food has traditionally played a major role on Iraqi social and cultural life. Iraqi cuisine is varied and rich, ranging from saucy vegetable and meat dishes, grilled kebabs (skewered chunks of grilled meat) and fish from the Tigris (masgouf) to various kinds of kubbeh (minced meat, pine nuts, raisins and spices covered with rice or grains). The main staple food in Iraq is long grain rice (timn). It is prepared in different ways and with different flavours. And all Iraqis, regardless of class and economic situation love their rice. Another important staple food is bread. No meal passes without lots of bread on the table. Vegetables like green beans, fava beans, okra, aubergine, tomatoes and zucchini are the basis of many tasty vegetable dishes that are poured over the rice. Iraqis love meat as well, especially lamb. Lamb kebabs, big chunks of lamb with green beans or okra, and quzi ((stuffed roasted lamb) were all -time favourites amongst Iraqis.

These days, very few families can afford to buy meat, chicken or fish because of the economic situation in Iraq. Rice and bread are the main food items that peope can afford to fill their stomachs.

Prior to economic sanctions, Iraq imported 75-80 percent of food products that were consumed at a cost of over $2 billion in 1989. Through the 1980s, despite the war with Iran, Iraq maintained a very low rate of malnutrition. Food was heavily subsidised by the state and in plentiful supply. As early as February 1991, a WHO/UNICEF mission to Baghdad estimated that the daily per capita calorie intake had fallen from the pre-sanctions level of 3340 kilo-calories to less than 1000 kilo-calories (one third of WHO recommendation). But the daily per capita calorie increased in 1997 to 1,225 kilo-calories to stay at this level until now (WHO/UNICEF Joint Team report: A Visit to Iraq, February, 1991).

Since September 1990, the main source for food is the government food ration. The amount of food ration monthly per person after the oil-for-food agreement in June 1997 is: 7kg flour, 1.25 kg rice, 0.05 kg sugar, 50gr tea, 0.75 cooking oil. Of course, in addition to that, there are open markets, supermarkets and small corner shops (and the black market) where one can find almost all food products. Yet, most people cannot afford to buy much extra food from the market or form shops as they do not have any cash available. Many Iraqis are unemployed as a result of the current economic crisis, but even those who have jobs receive extremely low salaries. weak. Actually, the gap between the food prices and the monthly salaries is widening. A family of five members would still approximately 125.000 ID (Iraqi Dinar) monthly to purchase the short fall in food while the monthly salary of average civil servant is between 3.000-5000 ID (United Nations children Found (UNICEF), Children and Women in Iraq: A Situation Analysis 1997; United Nations children Found (UNICEF), Children and Women in Iraq: A Situation Analysis April 1998).

It is mainly women who prepare the food, but occasionally men help out to prepare breakfast or lunch, especially if the wife has a paid job outside home. The main cooked meal is lunch, which is usually between 2pm - 4pm. Breakfasts tend to be light: bread, cheese or eggs, jam and date syrup. For dinner, people either just eat left-overs from lunch, have some fruit or a sandwich. In the past., teenagers would often go out with friends to have ice-cream or shawarma sandwiches at night. These days, many families are glad if they can manage to have one meal to feed everyone in the family.

Schooling for Teen Life in Iraq

Education has generally been valued highly in the past and sometimes is still perceived to be a ‘way out’ of the difficult life conditions of Iraqi teenagers. Leila, for example, is very much aware of the grim future prospects she is facing. Nevertheless, she stresses the importance of education:

Yet despite Leila’s optimism where education and the future are concerned, many other teenagers that were interviewed clearly doubt that education will help in the present circumstances. Moreover, the education system itself is subject to much anxiety.

One of the most long-term debilitating aspects of the current situation in Iraq is the disintegration of the education system – a system that was known within the Middle East for its resources and efficiency. State-induced policies in the 1970s and 1980s worked to eradicate illiteracy, educate men and women and incorporate them into the labour force. These were the years of general economic boom and the emergence and expansion of a broad middle-class (4). In the context of a rapidly growing labour market, the Iraqi government actively encouraged education: many new schools were built, teachers were trained, and the necessary infrastructure, i.e. transportation and child-care, were provided to make education accessible for all. In 1974, a government decree stipulated that all university graduates - whether men or women – would be employed automatically. In certain profession, such as those related to health-care and teaching, education itself entailed a contract with the government, which obliged the students to take up a job in the respective profession..

These days, however, the Iraqi government had to acknowledge that about 23 per cent of all school-aged children (6-15 years of age) are no longer attending school and are working to supplement family incomes. According to a 1995 survey by the United Nation Children’s Fund (UNICEF), only 87 per cent of Iraqi children did enrol in primary schools - down from 100 per cent before the Gulf war, while the numbers have been going down year by year. Of those who enrol, only 58 per cent finish primary school. Many are sent to work or to beg on the streets.

UNICEF estimates that more than 50 per cent of schools in the south and centre of Iraq are unfit for teaching and learning: "Schools are not being maintained and repaired and experience severe shortages of basic school supplies, classroom furniture, textbooks and teaching aids" (UNICEF, Iraq Donor Update, 11 July, 2001). Many teenagers endure very difficult conditions in schools, where walls are crumbling and desks falling apart. Not rarely, cardboard covers broken glass in the windows, library shelves are mostly bare and children sit on cracked floors to read (Financial Times, 1998). Paper and pencils are often unavailable and textbooks are generally outdated.

The lack of adequate investment in teacher training, and in teaching and learning materials has seriously affected the overall quality of education. Teacher’s salaries are grossly inadequate. This gloomy situation has prompted an increasing number of qualified teachers to leave the sector in search of better-paid jobs (UNICEF, Iraq Donor Update, 11 July, 2001). Especially in poor neighbourhoods, where teachers cannot supplement their incomes with private lessons, many teachers have dropped out. Samira, 14 years old says:

Private lessons are an essential part of a pupil’s education and those who cannot afford it, tend to fail their exams. Some teenagers reported that their parents have taken over the role of teaching them, as many educated Iraqis do not trust the current schooling system to provide an adequate education to their children. Yet, despite the poor secondary education available to Iraqi teenagers, end of year exams are extremely demanding and nerve-racking affairs. Leila (16), who failed her final exams in high school, complains:

Ever since the Iraq-Iran war (1980-1988), being drafted into the army has become a very possible, and often frightening, reality for male teenagers. A place at university, successful studies and financial means help to avoid being drafted into the army for a long period of time. For the majority of young Iraqi men, however, the encounter with the military starts very early in life and constitutes an ongoing threat and reality. Yet it is not only boys who suffer severe consequences if they fail the final exams of high school. For girls, this could also be detrimental:

The fear of failure in their education increases the stress levels of a generation of Iraqis for whom trauma, worry and anxiety are part of their immediate experiences. Despite the ongoing deterioration of the education system, Iraqis, in general, still value education greatly, and the sense of confidence and self of a young person is often bound up with his or her achievements in school and university. Especially middle-class parents, who particularly value education greatly, might sell all their belongings to be able to help their children through schools. Many parents work more than one job to make ends meet. Saad (15 year old male) rarely sees his father as he is always out trying to make some money:

More and more frequently, it is the teenagers themselves who have to contribute to the daily costs of living, and particularly the costs of schooling. Ali, a thirteen-year ‘old shoe-shine boy’ explains why he is working:

Social Life

The social life of teenagers has also been negatively affected by the current conditions inside Iraq. Spending time with friends has become a privilege in and of itself. Many young Iraqis have taken on responsibilities that used to be only carried by adults in the past. Hazim (14 years old) started to work and look after his younger siblings when his mother died which was three month before the interview:

The loss of loved ones has become a common aspect of the pool of experiences of today’s teenagers. Two wars, ongoing political repression, widespread diseases, malnutrition and a collapsed health system account for the great number of deaths that occur in resent-day Iraq. Aside from sadness, depression and sometimes anger, young people in Iraq are also remarkably fatalistic and have built up an incredible resistance to deal with pain and suffering.

As difficult as it has become to spend time with their friends, a number of teenagers did stress that they would talk over their problems and worries with their closest friends. As their parents were too busy dealing with ‘bigger problems’ friends often become the only moral support, the main councillors and the persons to confide in. Friendships are therefore valued greatly and frequently become the main point of reference in turbulent lives.

Over and over again, teenagers speak about changes related to socializing, family ties, and relations between neighbour and friends. Often, a parent or older relative was quoted as stating how things were different from the past when socializing was a much bigger part of people’s lives. Zeinab, a fifteen-year-old teenager from Baghdad, spoke about the lack of trust between people. She suggested the following as an explanation for the change in dress code for women and the social restrictions she and her peers experience constantly:

In addition to increased responsibilities and time restrictions related to economic circumstances, especially teenage girls complain about the increasing social restrictions and difficulties of movement. The most obvious change that has taken place over the past decade or so is the dress code of young women. Aliya is clearly unhappy about the changes:

As much as Aliya detests the imposed dress codes and her father’s new conservatism, she understands the underlying reasons. She explains:

Increased social conservatism and the threat of gossip that would tarnish one’s reputation are a common complaint amongst Iraqi teenagers. Especially girls suffer in a climate where patriarchal values have been strengthened and where the state has abandoned its previous policies of social inclusion where women are concerned. Economic hardships have pushed a number of women into prostitution - a trend that is widely known and subject to much anguish in a society where a ‘woman’s honour’ is perceived to reflect the family’s honour. Prostitution has recently been condemned by the government, hereby making it extremely dangerous (8). Men often feel compelled to protect their female relatives from being subject of gossip and from loosing the family’s honour. The increasing social restrictions imposed on young women have to be analysed in the context of wider social changes, particularly with respect to gender relations.

While the parents of the predominantly middle-class teenagers that were interviewed used to mingle relatively freely when they were the age of their children, today’s young Iraqis find it increasingly difficult to meet ‘each other’. Schools are often segregated between sexes, but even in case of co-educational schools, interaction between boys and girls has become more limited. Girls are extremely worried about their reputation and often avoid situations in which they find themselves alone with a boy:

Samira’s fears might have been aggravated by nowadays not uncommon occurrences of so-called ‘honour killings’. Fathers and brothers of women who are known and often only suspected of having ‘violated’ the morally accepted codes of behaviour, especially with respect to keeping her virginity before marriage, might kill their female kin in order to restore the honour of the family. Although this phenomenon is mainly restricted to rural areas and uneducated Iraqis, knowledge about its existence works as a deterrence for many female teenagers.

Others might be less worried about the most dramatic consequences of ‘loosing one’s reputation’. For educated middle-class women from urban areas it is less death they fear but diminished marriage prospects. Samira, who is avoiding boys as much as she can, states that she and her girlfriends fear them. But she regrets not knowing more about them and the way they think about girls:

The fact that in contemporary Iraq marriage presents a difficult undertaking is a consequence of both, the current demographic imbalance between men and women and the ongoing economic crisis. The demographic costs of two wars, and the forced economic migration of men triggered by the imposition of economic sanctions, account for the high number of female-headed households and the difficulties for young women to get married (Al-Ali, 2000: 79). Polygamy, which had become largely restricted to rural areas or uneducated people has been on the increase in recent years. There is also a growing trend among young women to get married to Iraqi expatriates, usually much older than they are (ibid. 80). According to our respondents, there are numerous cases of women who could not cope living abroad, and who are feeling totally alienated from their husbands and the new environment they find themselves in. Others are being married of to older men within Iraq, often to settle a debt within the family:

"Zahra used to be a happy girl and loved to be with her friends all the time, but in the last two months, she became a bit sad and preferred to be on her own", says Hannah, Zahra’s best friend. On the day of her wedding, 16 years old Zahra, looks sad and withdrawn. She is about to leave her childhood friends and teenage life behind to get married to a man more than 20 years her senior. Rumour has it that her father was pressured to give his daughter into this marriage in order to save his business.

At the same time as marriage has become a relatively difficult undertaking, particularly young women feel pressured by a new "cultural" environment that is marked simultaneously by a decline in moral values pertaining to honesty, generosity and sociability and an increased public religiosity and conservatism. Many young women spoke sadly about the total inversion of cultural codes and moral values. Changes in the social and cultural fabric of Iraqi society have affected gender relations in various ways. Without doubt, Iraqi women lost some of the achievements gained in the previous decades. They can no longer assert themselves through previous channels, such as education and waged employment as the education sector is disintegrating and unemployment rampant.

In the 1970s and 1980s - regardless of the government’s motivations - Iraqi women became among the most educated and professional in the whole region (9). The question in how far access to education and the labour market had resulted in an improved status for women is more complex. As in many other places, conservative and patriarchal values did not automatically change because women started working. And there existed great differences between rural and urban women as well as women from different social class backgrounds (Al-Ali, 2000: 77). In the 1990s and early 21st century, prospects for young women look much more bleak and less promising in comparison to the ones that were open to their mothers.

Recreation (or lack thereof)

As teenagers all over the world, Farah and Samir, the brother and sister from a rich family mentioned earlier, enjoy the company of their friends and spend most of their leisure time ‘hanging out’, listening to music, watching videos and playing computer games. They enjoy parties in each others’ homes, go to picnics with their parents, and visit the sports club to go swimming. All their friends come from the same social background (rich business people or government officials) and visit the same school - a private school in one of the richest neighbourhoods of Baghdad.

Obviously, Farah and Samir are not examples of the hardships and those struggles of survival endured by most families as they represent the living conditions of a privileged few. For the majority, the lack of economic means prevents them from engaging in activities considered ‘normal’ for teenagers. Ahmed (aged 15) spends all his ‘free time’ trying to earn some money to support the family:

Before the Gulf war (1991) and the imposition of economic sanctions, Iraqi teenagers used to spend lots of their free time, playing with friends and relatives on the streets, in back gardens and inside their houses. The toys and gadgets that were used for playing depended on the economic and social standing of their parents. Sports was very popular among boys, particularly soccer was a favourite recreational activity (both to watch and to play).

Today, any visitor to Iraq will notice the numerous street peddlers and beggars on the streets of urban centres. Many of those trying to make a few dinars by selling, shining shoes or hustling foreigners are teenagers who have either dropped out of school or work in addition to going to school. Due to malnutrition, many look much younger and smaller their age. According to UNICEF (2001) a quarter of all children and teenagers work to supplement the family income. Earnings, however, tend to be minimal and long hours and hard work are needed:

Whether shining shoes, selling the family belongings on one of the many informal flea markets that have mushroomed all over the country, sewing clothes, working in small factories or peddling on the streets, the activities of an increasing number of working teenagers is not only negatively affecting their secondary education, but also their dreams and hopes for the future. While an increasing number of young Iraqis dream of leaving the country, others hope that the situation will improve. And many dream about a better future in which they play an active role in improving the economic conditions they grow up with. Helping their families out of their miseries by setting up a small business or factory is a dream shared by several teenagers. Ahmed, for example, a working 15 years old boy, is making plans with his older sister:

Unlike their counterparts all over the world, the majority of Iraqi adolescents cannot afford to take part in the consumption of globalized trends and fashions. Even a new pair of trousers or a dress could put a serious strain on the family’s budget:

Not everyone is as thoughtful and understanding as Aliya (aged 15), but most teenagers have already learned the hard way that one can not get everything one wishes for:

Although isolated from the outside world, many young middle-class Iraqis are actually aware of the current trends and fashions emanating form western countries. Despite the heavily censored media, recent western movies and video clips are accessible mainly via the ‘Shabab’ (youth) TV channel owned by "Uday", one of the President’s sons. Pirate copies of the most recent Hollywood blockbusters reveal a world largely beyond reach. Yet there are a means of ‘keeping in touch’ with the outside world.

Another means of information are Iraqi expatriates from all over the world, who not only support their families financially, but also often send medicines, clothes, books, magazines and music to their families back home. Occasionally expatriate Iraqis visit their families and not only bring goods of consumption with them, but also stories and ideas related to life outside the very narrow confines of the Iraqi borders. Almost everyone today is aware of the Internet and email, for example, but except for a very small group of elite Iraqis or those belonging to the regime, it remains an abstract idea to imagine and dream about. Even computers are an extremely rare sight in a situation where schools and universities lack the resources to provide computer access to their students. Buying a computer is generally not a priority for parents who have to worry about feeding their children:

Zeinab’s description of her situation actually conceals the fact that a large number of previously well-off educated middle-class families have been selling their furniture, their books and personal belongings in order to survive.

While empty houses have become a common sight, there are also those that seem to have been largely unaffected by the sanctions regime. Some have even built huge houses during the last years. An emerging class of nouveau riche war and sanctions profiteers, linked in various direct and indirect ways to the political regime, continue to lead the lavish life-style that characterised many Iraqi families during the 1980s. In stark contrast to most of the other teenagers that were interviewed, Farah (14 years old) and her brother Samir (13 years old) enjoy fully furnished own bedrooms with the latest equipment ranging from computers, TV, CD players and even a satellite dish (10). Both express very little sympathy for their peers who live in economic hardship and misery. But both also have hardly any contact with "ordinary Iraqis" as their schools, their social worlds and their family are separate from the living worlds of the majority of Iraqis.

Entertainment

Due to all the reasons mentioned above, the majority of Iraqi teenagers have few choices and little time for entertainment. Yet, music is definitely a favourite amongst shabab (youth) who listen to it as much as they can. They are some contemporary Iraqi singers who combine traditional Arabic music with western tunes and modern rhythms. Kazem Al-Saher is probably one of the most popular singer of this trend, and he is famous all over the Arab world. Some teenagers listen to western pop music as well, but it is quite difficult to have access to the latest ‘top of the pops’ as Iraq has been very much isolated. Internet and satellite dishes are not available for the general public, which limits most people to the government-controlled national TV.

A relatively new channel Al-Shabab controlled by Saddam Hussein’s feared son Uday, is the only channel of entertainment for many Iraqi teenagers. It is also one of the few means through which many Iraqi teenager get exposed to the outside world. The channel regularly shows pirate copies of fairly recent Hollywood movies, which are subtitled into English. A popular programme on Al-Shabab shows home-grown music videos featuring young Iraqis trying to become famous singers.

Dancing is popular amongst teenagers, but there are very few occasions they can actually do so. Birthday parties and family get-togethers sometimes end up in teenagers dancing to popular tunes.

Religious Practices and Cultural Ceremonies

While a precise statistical breakdown is impossible because of likely inaccuracies in the latest census (1997), according to conservative estimates, over 95 percent of the population are Muslim. The (predominantly Arab) Shi'a Muslims constitute a 60 to 65 percent majority, while Sunni Muslims make up 30 to 35 percent (approximately 18 to 20 percent are Sunni Kurds, 12 to 15 percent are Sunni Arabs, and the rest are Sunni Turkomans). The remaining approximately 5 percent consist of Christians (Assyrians, Chaldeans, Roman Catholics, and Armenians), Yazidis, and a small number of Jews. The Shi'a, predominantly in the south, are present in large numbers in Baghdad and have communities in most parts of the country. Sunnis form the majority in the center of the country and in the north. Christians are concentrated in the north and in Baghdad. Yazidis are located in the north.

Although Shi’a Arabs are the largest religious group, Sunni Arabs traditionally have dominated economic and political life. Arabs holding Sunni religious beliefs are at a distinct advantage in all areas of secular endeavour: civil, political, military, economic, etc. However, it is important to stress that Shi’a and Sunni Arabs are not ethnically distinct, and that many Sh’ia have fought alongside Sunnis in various political struggles for or against the government.

Islam has grown to play a more significant role in Iraqi teenagers’ lives nowadays than in the past. They visit the mosque on Friday for the weekly reading of the Koran and prayers, and they observe religious holidays. This was quite different only 20 years ago. Until the early 1980s, Iraq used to be a relatively secular society where many people grew up without observing the religious prescriptions, like prayers and fasting. Very few young women would wear the hijab (headscarf), although the traditional habay (black loose garment) was common amongst older women and women of the poorer classes. These days, Iraqis have become much more religious and teenagers are much more interested in religion than many of their parents ever were. One of the most obvious aspect of these changes in Iraq since the 1980s and particularly during the 1990s is the fact that even girls started to cover their hair when going to school.

As in most other countries mentioned in this book, many Iraqi teenagers have learned how to do their daily prayer, although not everyone observes them. As in any other country, there are those who are pious and practising and others who are not. But even those young Iraqis who are not particularly religious, celebrate Muslim holidays and festivals and most teenagers fast during the month of Ramadan.

Conclusion

As the various accounts in this chapter have shown, Iraqi teenagers are exposed to a number of difficulties and hardships that not only shape their daily lives but also their dreams and expectations for the future. Noticeable in the accounts of teenagers that were interviewed was a high degree of self-awareness but also a high level of sadness and widespread depression. Happiness is a fickle thing, especially for teenagers, wherever they might live. Yet, for Iraqi teenagers happiness has become a particularly rare and precious gift. Leila, who was quoted several times in this chapter, became defiant when asked about happiness:

Leila might be more self-reflective and articulate than many of her peers, but her words appear to echo the sentiments of many of her peers. However, it would be a fallacy to conclude that Iraqi teenagers are mere victims of circumstances, passively accepting their fate. Young people in Iraq are active agents, trying to shape their own worlds and trying to optimize their options and possibilities. They strategize to earn some extra money, and to benefit from the little resources that are available with respect to education and access to information.

Many Iraqi teenagers are incredibly frustrated by their isolation from the outside world. Notwithstanding their inability to consume popular culture and access the virtual realities of the Internet, some are surprisingly aware of social and cultural trends on a global scale. Although probably not within their reach, many young people are aware of the significance of computers and the Internet, for example. Others do know about the latest fashion, even if only from magazines brought in by their expatriate relatives.

No doubt, the difficulties and hardships experienced by today’s teenagers in Iraq cannot simply be reduced to economic sanctions. The economic crisis triggered by two wars, lack of democracy and political repression by the regime as well as personal tragedies or mishaps are all factors contributing to the life experiences of young people in contemporary Iraq. Yet, economic sanctions have augmented hardships and has spiralled suffering into new dimensions. It is therefore not surprising that the issue of sanctions features highly in the anecdotes, talks, complaints and accounts of today’s teenagers.

Yet, despite visible frustrations, common depressions and noticeable feelings of devastation, one could not detect a prevailing sense of bitterness amongst the teenagers that volunteered in this research. Quite the contrary, one can easily be moved and humbled by an underlying current of hope and optimism that things will change - change for the better. Hopefully, today’s teenagers will be adolescents in a more positive future.

Footnotes

1. Ongoing bomb attacks by British and US forces, especially in the south of Iraq, present a continuous source of fear and trauma for those who live in affected areas.

2. See UNICEF, August 1999; Richard Garfield, 1999, 2000

3. Nutrition surveys, carried out by UNICEF and the World Food Programme (WFP) last year show no improvement in the nutritional status of children since the introduction of the Oil for Food Programme in 1996. One in five children in the south and centre of Iraq remain so malnourished that they need special therapeutic feeding. Child sickness rates continue to be alarmingly high (UNICEF, Iraq Donor Update, 11 July, 2001).

4. The initial period after the nationalisation of the Iraqi oil industry in 1972 was characterised by economic hardship and difficulties. However, the oil embargo by OPEC countries of 1973, known as the "oil crisis" crisis was followed by a period of boom and expansion. Oil prices shot up considerably and oil-producing countries started to become aware of their bargaining power related to western countries dependence on oil.

5. An annual international trade fair that was closed for 10 years due to economic sanctions, and opened for the first time in November 2000.

6. Traditional black loose garment worn by Iraqi women.

7. City in south of Iraq, known for its Shi'a shrines and cemetery.

8. In an incident in November 2000, an unknown number of women were beheaded by a government militia on suspicion of being involved in prostitution.

9. Rather than abiding by some egalitarian or feminist principles, the policies of social inclusion of women by the Baath regime in the 1970s and 1980s were mainly driven by economic considerations. While most of the Arab Gulf countries relied on foreign labour after the 'oil boom', the Iraqi government tried to mobilise its labour mainly amongst its own human resources.

10. Satellite dishes are illegal

Bibliography

Articles:

Al-Ali, Nadje (2000) ‘Sanctions and Women in Iraq’, in CASI - Campaign against sanctions on Iraq (2000) Sanctions on Iraq: background, consequences, strategies. Proceedings of the Conference hosted by the campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq, 13-14 November 1999, Cambridge. Cambridge: CASI.

Garfield, Richard (1999) 'Mortality Changes in Iraq, 1990-1996: A Review of Evidence’, Occasional Paper, Fourth Freedom Forum.

Garfield, Richard (2000) ‘Changes in health and well-being in Iraq during the 1990s: what do we know and how do we know it?’, in CASI - Campaign against sanctions on Iraq (2000) Sanctions on Iraq: background, consequences, strategies. Proceedings of the Conference hosted by the campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq, 13-14 November 1999, Cambridge. Cambridge: CASI

Books:

CASI - Campaign against sanctions on Iraq (2000) Sanctions on Iraq: background, consequences, strategies. Proceedings of the Conference hosted by the campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq, 13-14 November 1999, Cambridge. Cambridge: CASI.

Reports:

Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) (1998), 'Technical Co-operation Programme: Evaluation of Food and Nutrition Situation in Iraq 1998'.

UNICEF (2001) 'UNICEF Humanitarian Action: Iraq Donor Update 11 July 2001'.

United Nations’ Children Found (UNICEF), (1997) 'Children and Women in Iraq: A Situation Analysis'.

United Nations children Found (UNICEF), 'Children and Women in Iraq: A Situation Analysis April 1998'

WHO/UNICEF Joint Team Report 'A Visit to Iraq February' 1991